40 years since Portugal joined the European Union
(or about Constante’s refusal to leap, the canine from José Saramago’s “The Stone Raft”)
Pedro Madeira Froufe [Editor of this blog and Coordinator of the Group “Studies in European Union Law” (CEDU), of JUSGOV – Research Centre for Justice and Governance, University of Minho)]
I
Forty years in the past, on 12 June 1985, within the Jerónimos Monastery (Lisbon), the Treaty of Accession of Portugal to the then European Financial Neighborhood (EEC) was signed – eight years after Portugal had formally utilized for membership. This brings us again to the character named Constante, the canine within the 1986 novel “The Stone Raft” by José Saramago, winner of the Nobel Prize in Literature. On this novel, Saramago develops an allegory: the bodily, geographical separation of the Iberian Peninsula from the remainder of the European continent. In Saramago’s textual content, this uncommon occasion with no scientific rationalization (the separation of the Peninsula) is an allusion to what the writer foresaw/feared would occur as a part of the unification of Europe: the Iberian nations can be forgotten, solid apart, “crusing adrift”, unable to determine culturally, socially or economically with the remainder of Europe. The canine Constante seems on the very starting of the narrative, hesitating between Spain and France (“the remainder of Europe”) as quickly as he feels the primary crack, and finally ends up leaping (opting) for the Peninsula, within the means of separation. We will return to this character, the canine Constante, later on this textual content.
To start with, and to present a short historic overview of Portugal’s pre-accession part, it was on 28 March 1977 – simply after the so-called PREC (“ongoing revolutionary interval”) had run its course and solely three years after the “Carnation Revolution” (on 25 April 1974) – that the then Portuguese Overseas Minister, José Medeiros Ferreira, despatched a letter formally requesting Portugal’s accession to the EEC. In different phrases, the Portuguese choice for European integration was formally recognised as early as 1977.
It is very important keep in mind that round two years earlier, Greece had utilized for membership, favouring the path of European integration on the time (throughout the Nineteen Seventies) in direction of southern Europe. In a method, Greece’s accession in 1981 additionally signified a reunion of Europe (then “Neighborhood”) with its classical mythology. This mythology is on the origin of its title: Europa (Princess Europa and her abduction by a love-struck Zeus…).
In parallel with Portugal’s course of and negotiations with the EEC, the method resulting in Spain’s accession additionally started. Additionally, after a few years of dictatorship (beneath Normal Franco) and, simply as in Portugal, Spain was on the lookout for a transparent affirmation of its standing as a European nation, from a (primarily) political standpoint.
The Iberian Peninsula, within the geographical south of Europe, is traditionally and culturally European. And the legacy of Enlightenment modernity and the democracy that unites the sociological and cultural variety of the “previous continent” are additionally marked within the historic path travelled on the Iberian Peninsula – whatever the setbacks and mismatches with the remainder of Europe (central and northern) that occurred extra not too long ago, throughout the 20th century. The truth is, each Iberian states skilled dictatorships for a substantial time period.
As within the case of Portugal and Spain, fairly often accession – from the outset, the appliance and negotiations, in addition to the work undertaken by the candidate state to fulfil the “Copenhagen standards” (or “accession standards”)[1] – is meant to strengthen and render irreversible the candidate’s selection of democracy and respect for the rule of regulation. Furthermore, one of many essential circumstances imposed by the “accession standards” is the existence within the candidate state of strong establishments that guarantee – from the outset and past the functioning of a market or capitalist-based economic system – democracy and respect for the rule of regulation. In addition to – and that is additionally associated to making sure respect for the rule of regulation – the candidate state’s capability to fulfil its obligations to carry its authorized system into line with EU regulation (the absorption of the so-called “acquis communautaire”).
It’s comprehensible that membership usually additionally serves as an support to attaining inner political and social stability and financial improvement. With states which have skilled totalitarian regimes of their latest historical past, integration into the Union can also be perceived as a assure of respect for a political selection. A assure that, no matter inner circumstances, selecting a European mannequin of society, organisation and the functioning of the state itself is comparatively irreversible – versus the dictatorships they’ve skilled. However it is usually a assure that these states will transfer in direction of a market economic system – or a “social market economic system” – and realise the Union’s framework of values, set out in Article 2 TEU, on a day-to-day foundation. These values are respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of regulation, respect for human rights, together with these of individuals belonging to minorities.
Persevering with to chart the levels of this journey – which started for Portugal on 28 March 1977 – a couple of 12 months later, on 6 June 1978, the EEC Council of Ministers unanimously accepted Portugal’s software for membership. The EEC was then made up of France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Belgium, the Netherlands, the UK, the Republic of Eire and Denmark.
The pre-accession settlement between the EEC and Portugal was signed on 18 December 1980. It was after this pre-accession settlement was signed and made operational that the allocation of European funds for the nation’s improvement started. Two years later, on 17 November 1982, the European Parliament handed a decision expressing the political will of the members of Parliament for Portugal and Spain to be admitted as members of the EEC.[2] This Decision set 1 January 1984 because the deadline for the combination of the 2 Iberian states, recognising the significance of accession for each of them and likewise for the event of the EEC itself. Regardless of every little thing and the phrases of the Decision, it was solely two years after the deadline set by the European Parliament that Portugal was successfully built-in (from 1 January 1986). Nonetheless, in 1984 (18 December 1984) a second pre-accession settlement was signed between the EEC and Portugal, particularly offering for monetary assist to assist the Portuguese agriculture and fishery sectors.
II
Forty years after the signing of the Treaty of Accession of Portugal to the EEC, what evaluation might be constituted of a Portuguese and European perspective?
We consider that the results of Portugal’s integration into the European venture actually started to manifest themselves in 1977, with the appliance for membership itself. The signing of the Accession Treaty – six months earlier than this accession occurred – was the formal fruits of this software, solidifying the respective pro-European choice that presupposed it and which, for a lot of, was an inevitable consequence of the “25th of April” Revolution.
The tip of the “Estado Novo” – in different phrases, the dictatorship and colonial struggle that motivated the so-called “Carnation Revolution” – implied the European selection. As now we have talked about, home political circumstances significantly decided the (comparatively fast) path that led Portugal to hitch the European venture, integrating itself into the “European Neighborhood.” It ought to be famous that the appliance for membership, in addition to the primary pre-accession settlement, occurred even earlier than the 1st revision of the present Portuguese Structure (Structure accepted on 2 April 1976). In different phrases, Portugal started its journey in direction of integration even earlier than it had began a means of adapting its structure to a normal of “democratic normalcy” – when it comes to the functioning of its establishments, the complete effectiveness of the precept of the separation of powers, [3] and the financial order. The primary constitutional revision occurred in 1982, abolishing the “Council of the Revolution” and creating and establishing the Constitutional Courtroom. It was solely after integration had taken impact (1 January 1986) that the second revision of the 1976 structure occurred, adjusting the constitutional financial system to the European “materials financial structure” established by the 1957 Treaty of Rome (EEC Treaty). That’s, this second revision opened up the Portuguese constitutional textual content to an order marked by financial freedom, placing an finish to the precept of the irreversibility of nationalisations (right now, beneath the phrases of Article 83 of the present constitutional textual content, “public appropriations” of technique of manufacturing) carried out after and following the “25th of April” of 1974.[4]
That being stated, a primary facet that may be recorded as a optimistic impact of integration was, briefly, the creation of circumstances for political stability and the nation’s transition to constitutional “democratic normality”, after the troubled (inevitably troubled) instances instantly “post-revolution.” In different phrases, a agency transition to a materially democratic political and constitutional life after PREC. The easy proven fact that accession to the then EEC was adopted as a nationwide precedence created a type of collective acceptance (no less than a transparent majority within the Portuguese inhabitants) of European-inspired “democratic order.” Constitutional stability (even within the context of a proper structure conditioned by the aforementioned “MFA – Events Pact”) was extra simply achieved, beneath the pretext of that design – particularly, the aim of becoming a member of the European venture. It ought to be remembered that the First Constitutional Authorities – which emerged from the 1976 parliamentary elections[5] gained by the Socialist Occasion and Mário Soares – established the “European choice” as a precedence from the outset, signalling on the finish of 1976 (due to this fact, nonetheless throughout the PREC interval) the signing of extra protocols to an settlement signed between Portugal and the EEC on monetary and business issues in 1972 (nonetheless throughout the “Estado Novo” itself). [6]
Not like the metaphor developed by Saramago in his work “The Stone Raft”, Portugal and the Iberian Peninsula didn’t transfer additional south, away from Europe, however sailed assertively in direction of that very same Europe. They sailed, maybe extra rigorously, with that very same Europe! Not like Constante, the canine character in “The Stone Raft”, Portugal, feeling the bottom shaking – in different phrases, the entire interval of political uncertainty and instability skilled throughout the so-called PREC – confirmed no hesitation in leaping over to the European facet. This leap, determined and thought out, was undertaken as early as 1977, anticipating the chance of attainable “cracks” that might successfully flip the Peninsula (and significantly Portugal) into an remoted and erratic “stone raft.” Even earlier than the TEU and the (clear) wording of the present Article 2 of that Treaty, the compass that Portugal at all times wished to make use of was that ensuing from the reference framework for the Union (the framework of values set out in that Article 2).
Portugal’s instant political motivations that led to its accession – and, from 1977 onwards, its dedication to creating the political and financial circumstances that might permit for such European integration – concerned the holistic improvement of the nation.
On this context (briefly, relating to the nation’s modernisation), the obtainable statistics (permitting a comparative evaluation to be made between the nation that lived by the “Estado Novo” dictatorship and the built-in nation) are well-known and revealing. They’re indicative of Portugal’s evolution alongside the traces of the remainder of built-in Europe. Regardless of the indicators of some (tentative) openness seen on the finish of the “Estado Novo”, the actual fact is that with the “25th of April”, the urgency of overcoming the underdevelopment during which Portugal lived stood out from the outset, whatever the instant political penalties.
One shall recall the picture that rapidly grew to become a nationwide design, rising from the “25th of April” (the MFA’s motto): the three D’s that stood for “Democratise, Develop and Decolonise.” The urgent goal/want for improvement might solely be achieved successfully (and extra simply) within the context of “post-25th of April” Portugal with the leap in direction of accession. For example (as a result of it’s significantly placing), one can study the information on the toddler mortality price in Portugal earlier than 1974 (earlier than the “25th of April”), earlier than 1986 (accession to the EEC), and right now. The optimistic pattern is outstanding: in 1974, round 38 kids beneath the age of 1 died for each thousand births; in 2022, round 2.6 kids beneath the age of 1 died for each thousand births.[7]
Alternatively, if we concentrate on the authorized system and the assure of a democratic political and authorized expertise that makes the rule of regulation a actuality, we will credit score European integration with no less than a partial however related contribution to a sure “modernisation” of that system. By “modernisation” we imply, above all, strengthening the rights that make up the political and financial standing of the citizen. Inevitably, the progressive and bolstered defence of the core of elementary rights loved by European residents and the respective enlargement (for instance, with the adoption of the Constitution of Basic Rights of the European Union) additionally means this identical reinforcement.
The “Europeanisation” of Member States’ authorized methods, contributing to a pattern in direction of the transnationalisation of regulation within the Union’s regional space, assists this “modernisation” and likewise promotes a authorized lifestyle (and due to this fact citizenship) that’s extra in tune with present circumstances. By means of instance – amongst many, with a direct influence on residents’ every day lives – we will point out the evolution and enchancment of the final private information safety regime and the event (now a long time previous) of the entire space (and “praxis”) of environmental safety regulation. The authorized and financial order, the perfecting of a matrix of financial freedom, framed by social and territorial cohesion – in different phrases, a “social market economic system” – can also be, to a decisive extent, the results of accession.
However from the standpoint of the Union (to place it extra broadly and fewer strictly, from the standpoint of an built-in Europe), what added worth has Portugal’s accession introduced?
Going again to the Nineteen Seventies and early Nineteen Eighties, the easy reality of contemplating Portugal (and Spain) as candidate states for accession ended up reinforcing the “European method/choice” that was adopted internally. This selection helped to maintain the western finish of Europe (geographically talking) away from the dangers of a attainable “non-European” and “non-Western” geopolitical drift – which might inevitably carry instability (political, social and financial) to the opposite Member States. At a time when the “chilly struggle” was nonetheless raging, the EEC (European integration) couldn’t run the chance of getting a platform at its western finish for the propagation of anti-European values (no less than from a political standpoint).
In spite of everything, as is obvious from, as an illustration, the “Cassis de Dijon” case-law,[8] the cultural, sociological and financial variety of the completely different European nations and peoples has a standard denominator that naturally permits us to affirm a nuclear unity. There’s a political and authorized bloc during which every state sees itself as belonging to the identical group and sharing the identical civilizational identification (unity in variety). And the reinforcement of this multiversity has the impact (when framed by the regulation and the framework of values set out in Article 2 of the TEU) of reinforcing this unity and these benefits, at first when it comes to financial choices and options (extra choices and extra options, made obtainable to the “bloc”), there naturally being an financial ordering regime based mostly on financial freedom (a “materials financial structure”, deriving from the Treaties and European case-law, which is guided by the “free motion of all elements of manufacturing”).
Geopolitically, the accession of Portugal (and Spain), after Greece had joined 5 years earlier (January 1, 1981), was step one in direction of European integration attaining a geographical dimension, which tended to be continental. This enlargement in direction of the south of Europe was step one (earlier than the “fall of the Berlin Wall”) in direction of the nice enlargement, which occurred on Could 1, 2004[9] (now in direction of the east and a few 18 years after Portugal’s efficient integration).
That is why Portugal’s (and Spain’s) accession 40 years in the past turned out to be, each objectively (when it comes to the event of those Member States) and from the attitude of strengthening the solidity of the built-in “European bloc” (ensuing from the openness to variety that’s intrinsic to the values of integration), a win-win state of affairs for everybody…
[1] The “Copenhagen standards” or “accession standards” had been established on the Copenhagen European Council in 1993 and reaffirmed in 1995 on the Madrid European Council. They’re the necessities essential for a state to grow to be eligible (by fulfilling these standards) to be a candidate for accession to the Union. See Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU).
[2] Official Journal of the European Communities, No C 334/82, 54.
[3] The so-called “Constitutional Settlement Platform” [Plataforma de Acordo Constitucional] or “MFA (Armed Forces Motion) – Events Pact” – whose creation and implementation was proposed by Álvaro Cunhal, then chief of the Portuguese Communist Occasion, on the finish of 1974 – was a compromise between the Armed Forces (the army energy) and the political events on the political way forward for the nation and on the final traces of the Structure that was to be drafted (the present 1976 Structure). In essence, it ended up being a compromise between present factions throughout the army (the MFA) who had been against elections and, however, those that had been in favour of them – in different phrases, not solely the present political events, but in addition a big a part of the MFA itself. This Pact was signed on April 11, 1975, and supplied for a “transition interval” of three to five years. The Platform or “MFA-Occasion Pact” assured, amongst different issues, that the Council of the Revolution would train vigilance to make sure that the MFA’s program was not overtaken or forgotten, demanding not solely the constitutional enshrinement of the “ideas of the Armed Forces Motion’s Program” but in addition the “achievements legitimately obtained all through the method, in addition to the developments to the Program or Platform imposed by the revolutionary dynamic that irreversibly dedicated the nation to the unique path in direction of Portuguese Socialism.” (Freely translated).
On the aforementioned matters and their developments, within the context of the dynamics of ‘democratic normalisation’ in Portugal and following the PREC [Processo Revolucionário em Curso] (keep in mind, “Ongoing Revolutionary Interval”), see A. Tavares & R. Albuquerque, “A influência do pacto MFA-Partidos na formação da eleição do Presidente da República” [The influence of the MFA-Parties pact on the formation of the election of the President of the Republic], European Public & Social Innovation Evaluation, 10 (2025), https://doi.org/10.31637/epsir-2025-1878 (final accessed 12 June 2025). On the “MFA-Events Pact”, see Maria do Céu Filipe, “Conselho da Revolução” (apresentação em PowerPoint), Torre do Tombo, Direção Geral do Livro, dos Arquivos e das Bibliotecas, obtainable at: https://antt.dglab.gov.pt/wp-content/uploads/websites/17/2022/01/13-Conselho-Revolucao.pdf (final accessed 12 June 2025); J.M.M. Cardoso da Costa, “Da «Revolução» à «Constituição»: o caso da justiça constitucional portuguesa (uma sumária nota)”, SCIENTIA IVRIDICA, Tomo LXXIII, no. 366 (2024); R. Leite Pinto, “O «Programa do Movimento das Forças Armadas»: o singular destino da Constituição Revolucionária do 25 de abril de 1974 em Portugal”, Revista de História Constitucional, no. 17 (2016), obtainable at: https://www.historiaconstitucional.com/index.php/historiaconstitucional/article/view/430 (final accessed 12 June 2025).
[4] “Six years after the troublesome delivery that was the approval of the 1976 Structure, the time had come to take it and the Portuguese political and governmental system within the path of a westernised democracy, a vital situation for attaining the aim of becoming a member of the European Communities, which got here to fruition in 1986.” A. Tavares & R. Albuquerque,“A influência do pacto MFA-Partidos na formação da eleição do Presidente da República”, 8. (Freely translated).
[5] On 25 April 1976, legislative elections had been held for the primary time, inside a constitutional framework, which resulted within the First Constitutional Authorities. This was after the primary elections had been held a 12 months earlier (25 April 1975) after the “25th of April” (with a turnout of round 91%) or elections for the formation of the Constituent Meeting (“constituent elections”). The truth is, the Meeting ensuing from this primary free electoral act (after the “25th April”) had the duty of offering the nation with a Structure to interchange the earlier Structure of 1933 (of the “Estado Novo”).
[6] Strictly talking, it was in 1972 – and due to this fact outdoors the democratic framework ensuing from the “25th of April” – that the primary settlement (Affiliation Settlement) was signed between Portugal and the EEC, with a view to the progressive creation of a free commerce zone/space between the EEC and Portugal. This 1972 Affiliation Settlement was additionally supposed to advertise the approximation of Portugal’s financial insurance policies to these of the EEC (nonetheless throughout the “Estado Novo” and already throughout Marcelo Caetano’s time as Prime Minister). Deliberately or not, this primary step, which occurred even earlier than the “25th of April”, ended up anticipating, to some extent, the long run negotiations with a view to Portugal’s accession – already assumed as a precedence political goal after the “25th of April.”
[7] These and different information might be discovered at:: https://www.pordata.pt/pt/estatisticas/populacao/esperanca-de-vida-e-obitos/taxa-de-mortalidade-infantil-0 (final accessed 12 June 2025).
[8] Judgment of the Courtroom Rewe – Central AG (or “Cassis de Dijion”), 20 February 1979, case 120/78, ECLI:EU:C:1979:42, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX:61978CJ0120.
[9] On Could 1, 2004, Cyprus, Slovakia, Slovenia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, the island of Malta, Poland and the Czech Republic joined. In the meantime, with Brexit, the UK left the European Union.
Image credit score: by Petrit Nikolli on pexels.com.
